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TRANSFORMATION OF DALIT IDENTITY IN INDIA.
Dr. Om Parkas Singh
There has been a long tradition of attempt by intelligentsia of Dalit community in construction of identity. The eminent activists who contributed to the process include Phule, Periyar and Ambedkar, among others. Before them, the Bhakti Saints belongs to lower castes made a remarkable contribution in the form of questioning the Brahmanical hegemony. They questioned the religious restrictions on worship during the 10th and 13th centuries, because of which the Bhakti movement became popular among the Shudras and Ati-Shudras. This chapter explores, the contribution of the Adi-movements, the non-Brahman movements against the Brahmin hegemony, Dr. Ambedkar‟s attempts of the intellectual re-construction of the Dalit identity and the identity movements in the contemporary period leading to the culmination of the reconstruction of the Dalit identity.
This section explores the formation of the Dalit identity in the early period for a proper understanding of the evolution of identity formation process in the context of Dalit movement. Identity formation is a historical process. Identity formation is based on the experience of the Dalits in relation to the community. The experience about oneself and the community is a part of the existing socio-economic, political and cultural order. Identity as a concept is based on the experience of oneself in relation to others, similar beliefs and cultural expressions that cause to formulate the identity. This can as well be applied to the identity formation of the Dalits against the backdrop of various phases of the consciousness building movements.
The first phase of the identity formation of the Dalits may be said to be the Bhakti movement, which helped to construct an identity in opposition to the Brahmical hegemony. The mystics who led the Bhakti movement include Ramanand and Raidas in the North, Chaitanya and Chandidasa in the East, Eknath, Choka Mela, Thukaram and Narsinha Mehta in the West and Ramanuja, Nimbaraka and Basava in the Southern parts of India. Their contribution to the anti-Brahmin thought lies in opposing caste distinctions and asserting equality before god. M.G. Ranade called the Bhakti movement being unbrahmanical. However; the saint poets did not advocate detachment from normal worldly life as a prerequisite for the salvation. They advocated normal family life in society. Unlike the Brahmin priests, Bhakti poets disapproved of renunciation, asceticism and celibacy as the means of enlightenment. The significant contribution of the Bhakti poets is that the untouchables identified themselves as anti-Brahmanical by which they formed a unique non-Brahmin identity.
Next to the Bhakti movement, the “Adi” movements were significant in the formation of the Dalit identity in India. Gail Omvedt argues that “The mobilization of the oppressed and exploited sections of society, the peasants, Dalit, women and low castes that Phule had spoken of as Shudras and Ati-Shudras occurred on a large scale in the 1920s and 1930s, under varying leaderships and with varying ideologies.” The “Non-Aryan” or the Non-Brahmin movements in Maharastra and Tamilnadu, the Dalit movements in Panjab and Karnataka were against the Aryan conquest and Brahman exploitation through religion and culture. These movements aimed at the argument of the original inhabitants, have a common tag “Adi” which means original inhabitant. Most of the Dalit movements like “Adi-Dharma” in Punjab, “Adi-Hindu” in Uttar Pradesh and Hyderabad, “Adi-Dravida,”, “Adi-Andhra” and “Adi-Karnataka” in South India have a common claim of the Dalits and Shudras being the original habitants of India.
Read It: CONTRIBUTION OF SWAMI ACHHUTA NAND FOR DALIT SOCIETY
It was in the 1920s, however, that Dalits began to organize strongly and independently throughout many regions of India. The most important of the early Dalit movements were the Ad-Dharma movement in the Punjab (organized 1926); the movements under Ambedkar in Maharashtra, mainly include Lower castes which had its organizational beginnings in 1924; the Namashudra movement in Bengal; the Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu; the Adi-Karnataka movement of Karnataka; the Adi-Hindu movement mainly centered on Lower castes in Uttar Pradesh; and the organizations of the Pulayas and Cherumans in Kerala. These movements oriented multidimensional processes of the social transformations and asserted the new ways to lower caste societies for their identity construction within the society.
The Namasudhra movement was the first protest against the social authority of the higher castes at mass level in Bengal. In Sekhar Bandyopadhyay views: The Namasudhra movement in Bengal is the story of an Antyaja or untouchable caste, transforming itself from an amphibious peripheral multitude into a settled agricultural community, protesting against the age-old social disabilities and economic exploitation it suffered from, entering the vortex of institutional politics and trying to derive benefit out of it through an essentially loyalist political strategy.
The Namashudras, earlier known as chandals, lived mainly in the low lying swap areas of Eastern Bengal. The Namasudras or chandals, who are considered untouchables, are originally a tribal community living in the Eastern Bengal even before the formation of the Brahmanical social order. The Namasudra movement protested against the oppressive domination of the high castes showing allegiance to the patronizing colonial elite. This resulted in the emergence of backward class politics in Bengal. The Namasudras embraced Islam or Christianity to avoid the stigma of untouchability in the early twentieth century. Chandal Movement of 1872-73 led to the formation of the Namasudra. Led by Harichand Thakur of Faridpur and his son in the subsequent period, the movement believed in education and self-respect.
Next to Namasudra movement, Ad-Dharm movement, led by Mangoo Ram in Punjab, made a substantial contribution to the social and political life of Dalits in Punjab. He was influenced by the Ghadar movement, a radical organization in California aimed at liberating India from British rule through armed insurrection. The Adi-Dharm movement was launched in 1926. The movement however was split into two groups, the other influenced by Arya Samaj: “While the Arya Samaj was making frantic to bring Shudras who had converted to Islam, Christianity and Sikhism back into the Hindu fold, Mangoo Ram thought it appropriate to intervene at this juncture to espouse the Dalit cause and carve out a separate Dalit identity.” The ideology and principles of the Ad-Dharm movement greatly influenced the Dalits of the Doab region decisively contributing to the formation of the Dalit identity.
Adi-Hindu movement, under the leadership of Swami Acchutanand, in Utter Pradesh is another significant movement that contributed to the construction of the Dalit identity in the 1920s. Though Arya Samaj promised to facilitate the social uplift of lower castes, its intention of enslaving untouchables to Hinduism is criticized by the Adi-Hindu leaders. Swami Acchutanand claimed in a speech, “The Samaj aimed to make all Hindus slaves of the Vedas and the Brahmins.”
Achutanand and Ram Charan constructed an identity which traces out the history of the original inhabitants of India. They outlined an idealized vision of social equality and of past power and glory of the untouchables. “Self-assertion” was an important principle of Adi-Hindu movement. Exploring the identities of self-assertion and empowerment that Adi movements espoused, Nandini Goopta states that by asserting that the untouchables were the true masters of the land, the Adi-Hindu preachers cultivated a sense of entitlement to rights and power at the same time as they heightened an awareness of historical deprivation. They emphasizes on atmagyan (self-knowledge) and introspection as the source of independent knowledge without higher caste impositions also enabled the exposition of a distinction, autonomous, proud and even defiant self-identity of the untouchables.
The Adi-Hindu movement provided not only ‘‘an ideology of radical equality’’ and “a strategy for doing better in everyday life”, but also “a political culture for civil rights and organized protest.” Though the Arya Samaj and Congress have caused to split the Adi-Hindu movement in 1930s, the Adi-Hindu, on the whole, formed the dominant and sustained form of its political expression and a constructive identity.
Similar to the Adi movements in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and the Namasudra movement in Bengal, the Adi movements in South India had their resonance in constructing Dalit identity. The untouchable movements in Nagpur, Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu, Adi-Karnataka movement in Mysore, Adi-Andhra movement in Andhra Pradesh under Madras Presidency and Adi-Hindu movement under the Nizam reign had paved the way for constructing the Dalit identity in South India.
Like Acchutanand in United Provinces and Mangoo Ram in Punjab, E.V.Rama Swamy (1879-1973) popularly known as Periyar led the self-respect movement in Tamil Nadu. One of the greatest anti-Brahman movements in India, self-respect movement targeted the Brahmin dominance criticizing the idol worship. Aloysius comments on Periyar as follows: ‘His focus was not on God and religion in general or in the philosophical sense but religion in particular – the Brahminical religion – taken in its practical – social dimension of buttressing up social iniquity and in humanity’.
All the religions, being historical creations, tend to accumulate beliefs and practices that become anachronistic and anti-social. Periyar clarifies that: ‘The self-respect movement was started with the objective of instilling a sense of self-respect in the people of this country and to unify them. The self-respect movement really endeavors in transparency, to explain why and how the people of our country had lost their self-pride, to assert that the obstacles in their way should be abolished and indeed to abolish such obstacles’. Periyar educated the Dravidians and Adi-Dravidians to bring about a cultural revolt with an aim of making society casteless and egalitarian. Braj Ranjan Mani observes that: Stressing egalitarian social relations across caste, community and gender lines, Periyar advocated the overthrow of caste and instituted non-Brahmanic forms of marriage celebrating the equality of women and her right to choose life-partner and other such practices designed to give a death blow to the Brahmanical order. Presenting a radical critique of the religious beliefs and practices in a variety of ways, Periyar wanted to demolish the whole Brahmanic structure of society which he saw as the root cause of the degradation and subordination of Women and the non-Brahman populace.
Periyar joined the congress in 1919 and became a prominent figure in Tamil Congress. But soon he saw it a Brahman Tamil Congress and left it to organize the self-respect movement. Periyar also disagreed with Gandhi on issues like caste, culture and nationalism. Another prominent identity moment in Tamil Nadu is led by a serious dreamer of non-Brahman India Ayothee Thass (1845-1914). He prepared a grand project of non-Brahman India which has three core features: replacement of Brahmanism with Buddhism as a socio-spiritual and religious ethos in India: establishment of Dalits as the real or genuine sons of the Indian soil and need for cultural construction of India as a domain of egalitarian society. He set up several schools for Dalits and his writings are remarkably modern for espousing the cause of social emancipating, Buddhism, rationalism and the new egalitarian Dravidian identity. He considered the Brahmins mentally, morally and culturally depressed as they clanged on to anachronistic beliefs and obscurantist practices.
Another significant movement of identity took place in Kerala. The movements led by Ayyankali, Pokayil Yohannan and Pamapady John Joseph had a polemical role to enlighten the Dalits of Kerala. Sri Narayana Guru (1856-1928) was an active socio-political and religious reformer for nearly four decades during the most critical period of Kerala’s history. He believed in the message of ‘one god, one religion and one caste’ which developed a new consciousness among the Dalits. The backward caste movements in Kerala differed from other movements like that of Jotirao Phule, whose movement consisted of Shudras and ati-Shudras (the untouchable) and women. But such an attempt was absent in Kerala and the movement lead by Sree Narayana Guru remained mostly the movement for the upliftment and empowerment of the Izhavas. Among the Dalit movements in Kerala, the movement by Ayyankali was of great success in constructing Dalit identity. Ayyankali, an illiterate Dalit, unlike Sree Narayana Garu, was not a philosopher. His movement was humanistic and democratic of Dalits for justice. To him, socio-cultural issues were more important than the economic issues. Ayyankali fought for the rights of his people to use public space and for education. By doing so, Ayyankali successfully contributed to the formation of the individual identity.
Ayankali established open school in Vengannoor in 1904 but faced severe resistance from the caste Hindus. He gathered the lower castes to go on strike and continued it for one year. To protect the strikers against criminal elements recruited by landlords, a small group of youth known as “Ayyankali Pada” was formed under his organization. Another element that Ayyankali movement concentrated on was performing folk arts. Ayyankali collected small band of youth belonging to his caste and trained them in martial and folk arts like Pattukachery, Parijakali, Kolkali, Kurathiattom, Kakkarassi drama and Valli drama. This was his first attempt at identity construction for Dalits of Karala.
The Dalit movements and literature in Andhra Pradesh began as early as 1900. The Adi-Hindu movements in Hyderabad and Adi-Dravida movement in Andhra region played significant roles in constructing the Dalit identity in the pre-independence period. The Adi-Hindu movement under Nizam rule was led by Bagya Reddy Varma (1888-1939), who organized Jagan Mitra Mandali in 1906, found Manya Samngam in 1911 and the Adi-Hindu organization in the same year. Bagya Reddy Varma and his followers strongly fought for the compulsory education to the Dalit children and severely opposed the practices like child marriages, eating meet and drinking liquor in marriages and also against the uncivil notions like “Jogini,” “Murti” and “Basivi” through which young and uneducated untouchable girls were devoted to gods and goddesses. Between 1906 and 1916, Bagya Reddy Varma’s concentration was particularly on educating Dalits through folk songs and street plays. He went across the entire Telangana region and gave the message of revolution to the Dalits. Ariga Ramaswami and B. Syam Sundhar were other contemporaries of Bagya Reddy Varma who contributed to the construction of Dalit identity in Hyderabad State.
The Adi-Andhra Movement took place in the coastal parts of Andhra Pradesh in Madras Presidency. Some of the significant resolutions of conferences as follows: providing education to Dalit children, forming separate schools for Dalit children, allowing Dalits to use government wells, schools and public shelter, among others. The Adi-Andhra Conferences were held every year. The Adi-Andhra movement became a platform for political mobilization. This movement also resulted in production of rich literature which played a crucial role in identity formation of Dalits in Andhra. Dalit poets lick Boyi Bhimanna, Kusuma Dharmmanna and Jala Rangaswamy wrote against caste oppression, untouchability and discrimination stressing that that the Dalits were the original inhabitants of the Telugu region. Gurram Jashuva’s Piradousi (1932) Gabbilam (The Bat); Kusuma Dharmanna’s Nalla Dhoratham (1933), Harijana Chathakam (1933) Madhyapana Nishedham (1930); Boyi Bhimanna’s Paleru (1940), Cooliraju (1947) and Jana Padhuni Jabhulu (1940); Jala Rangaswami’s Mala Shuddi (1930); Nakka China Venkataiah‟s Harijana Keerthanalu (1935); Nuthakki Abraham and Premaiah were among those who wrote about the Dalit identity. The literature production by Dalit poets attempted to critique the marginality and tried to evolve distinctive identity for Dalits based upon the notions of equality and self respect.
Following the mystics and the social activists attempt at crystallizing the Dalit identity, Ambedkar (1891-1956) provided intellectual basis to the formation of the Dalit identity. Following the early Dalit movement, Ambedkar, organized Dalits socially, politically and intellectually through the process of which, the formation of the Dalit identity assumed a definitive form. Ambedkar launched many struggles during the 50 years of his social life. Ambedkar’s Mahad struggle for the untouchable’s access to public water in 1927 was successful as a civil rights issue. Later on he became the champion of human rights. Subsequently, Ambedkar fought for separate electorates. Ambedkar educated the Dalits that their identity is different from that of the Hindus. He even asked the Dalits to have their dwellings away from the Hindu Society. As the Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee and the first Law Minister, Ambedkar contributed immeasurably to the socio-cultural assertion of the Dalit identity. With the embracing of Buddhism with many of his followers and in proclaiming Buddhism as the alternative to the irrational Hinduism, Ambedkar provided spiritual basis to the Dalit identity.
Reference
1. Braj Ranjan Mani, Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society, Monohar, New Delhi: 2005, pp.168-69.
2. Gail Omvedt, Dalit Visions: The Anti-Caste Movement and the Construction of an Indian Identity, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2006, p.34.
3. Bharat Patankar and Gail Omvedt, The Dalit Liberation Movement in Colonial Period, Critical Quest,New Delh, 2007,p.13.
4. Sekhar Bandyopadlay, The Namasudra Movement, Critical Quest Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p. 3.
5. Ronki Ram, Manguo Ram: Ad Dharm and The Dalit Movement in Punjab, Critical Quest Publications, New Delhi, 2008, p. 9.
6. Nandini Gooptu., Swami Achhutanand and The Adi-Hindu Movement, Critical Quest Publications, New Delhi, 2006, p.13.
7. Nandini Gooptu,op.cit, p, 21.
8. R. S. Khare, The Untouchable as Himself: Ideology, Identity and Pragmatism among the Lucknow Chamars, Cambridge, 1984,p. 78.
9. G. Aloysius, Periyar on Islam, Critical Quest, New Delhi:, 2004,p.4.
10. Ibid, p.5.
11. Braj Ranjan Mani, op cit, pp. 324-25.
12. Ibid, p. 314.
13. Gail Omvedt, Dalits and Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in colonial India, Sage, New Delhi,1994, p.118.
14. B.R. Ambedkar, Buddha and his Dharma, Siddharth Books, Delhi. 2006.
IN HINDI÷
भारत में दलित पहचान का परिवर्तन